Belisarius

The socioeconomic crises of the Globalist American Empire (GAE) have long since extended into its post Global War on Terror (GWOT) militaries, including in the increasingly fraught topic of civil-military relations. It's no accident, for example, that the author of the defining post-Korean War but pre-Vietnam War work on U.S. civ-mil relations, The Soldier and State, is the same academic, Samuel P. Huntington, who published The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order in 1996 and coined the term "Davos Man" and "Davos Women" in his final work, criticizing the globalism and open borders strongly favored by his fellow Ivy League alums, in Who Are We? The Challenges of American National Identity (published in 2004).

The late Professor Huntington, who in the 1950s was denied tenure at Harvard, fatefully joined Zbigniew Brzezinski on the faculty at Colombia, befriending the future Carter Administration National Security Advisor and architect of decades-long disastrous American policies across Eurasia. Although Brzezinski opposed the Iraq War, his advocacy was driven in no small part, by his inherited Polish Russophobia and desire to screw the Russians over any other longer-term U.S. national interests, such as befriending a post-Soviet Russia to offshore-balance the spectacular rise of China (aka the position favored by former Fox News commentator Tucker Carlson and his CIA alum father).

The emphasis on Huntington's final work published in 2004, which shows traces of the author having read and thoroughly digested Pat Buchanan's critique of the post-Cold War American Empire, was on the tension between the American Nation with its strong Anglo-Saxon core, and the open borders inherent in the GAE. The fact that the legacy media chose to overemphasize the book's question of whether Latinos especially Mexican migrants were assimilating into an American identity as previous waves of European immigrants did pre-1965 distracted and deflected from its main thesis, which was about the nature and endurance of American civic patriotism itself. Which ultimately, is inseparable from the question of 'whom do you ultimately serve/to whom or what are your loyalties' that is posed to every military officer. Every soldier and sailor's Oath to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States after all, does not enforce itself, and as one recent President George W. Bush is said to have infamously remarked after 9/11 can be reduced to "just a [worthless] g-d--mn piece of paper".

Naturally, such tensions exacerbated by the disastrous Iraq War and occupation of Afghanistan prefigured the Great Awokening that has seeped into the U.S. military, starting with the Don't Ask Don't Tell controversies of the post-Cold War Clinton years, reaching a full blooming of woke generals and admirals during the late Obama and first Trump Administrations. During this period, which will be studied by future historians of the GAE's collapse, wokeness was used to encourage outright insubordination—namely, undermining the valid presidential power to call up the National Guard to suppress leftist political violence during the Summer of Floyd riots—and vainglorious, legacy-media endorsed sedition from the likes of Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mark Miley. Gen. Miley in particular, with his hysterics about Trump being 'fascist to the core' (which at least implies, some justification for a Von Stauffenberg solution) and active plotting against his Commander in Chief, made himself a woke version Gen. James Mattoon Scott (memorably played as a compelling villain by Burt Lancaster) in the post-JFK assassination released film Seven Days in May.

One of the contributors to this column observed the disturbing trend of military officers who previously had been highly conservative in private life and in their personal politics falling under the social media spell of their increasingly #worldwarwoke-waging peers. While it was not the fault of such military officers to have been conditioned by the legacy media to see all threats to civil order emerging from the so-called fringes of the Far Left and Far Right rather than the respectable center-left globalists such as former NSA director Michael V. Hayden, it was their fault to not be more skeptical about their peers and superiors' leftward ideological turn toward intersectionality as members of The Resistance against Trumpism (more on this in future posts). Particularly given the widespread and mostly healthy cynicism about the use of American power the Iraq War produced in the ranks suddenly being cast aside for, paraphrasing the popular historian Studs Terkel, a 'good war' in Ukraine, plus the Cold War II conflict that preceded it, waged to topple Assad by seizing and occupying chunks of Syria.

The fact that the unstated post-ISIS objective of overthrowing Assad was accomplished last December in no way justified the illegal occupation of Syrian territory, nor the lasting betrayal of GWOT veterans represented by the US and UK's dirty 'Al-CIA/MI6-eda' alliance with a Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and its predecessor jihadist organizations led by a State Dept terror list 'ex' Al-Qaeda commander, nor the covered up contractor deaths and traumatic brain injuries of American soldiers from IRGC militia attacks during the occupation. An occupation which continues to this day, with U.S. troops increasingly acting as human shields for their Kurdish and Arab SDF allies against attacks from a U.S. treaty (NATO) ally in Turkey.